Sleepless night

"...... Kasei ngampoi, kalungsetna, genthei kahi jeh in kisonlal nan kadim........."
Listening repeatedly
Makes me feels you.
I don't know whether l cud call u my dear or not, but what if l just call you 'BABE'? CUZ tonight how much u occupied my mind can never b compare like anything else. I really don't know how to go on if this continues tomorrow. I just don't want the sun to come up for new day, if its gonna b same day. l just want to hold you right now.
Every single beat of music feel like your heart beat which  really feels good on repeated replay.
Putting headset on vibe me away wth rhythming jazz, all of ur sweet smile flash with colors, beautiful enough to sense your sweet fragrance.

Baby Its not the same, no baby, much stronger, n more hurting. And much deeper. Deeper enough to feel the pain.
Would Rather feels good go insane.

I knw its still long way n miles to go. But baby we cud just stop by n make some love, what's the harm?
Oh..  Baby its not early to make decisions. I knw yu v gt lot more, but baby you knw l love you from the star, just don't look around. Wanna make you my heart queen.

Dedicated to my queen, 

I don't missed her like this b4....

Our Martyr#1 KHAIJAMANG TOUTHANG, 11 YEARS

"As he was running away from the commotion, both hands raised in total surrender, a bullet pierced through his young body from the back and his left hand slid down to hold his exit wound, his right hand still raising in the air to show that he never posed any threat"
by ZMW
For an eleven year old boy, he had gone through more hardships in life than most grown men. His father, Mr. Haokhothang Touthang, died when Khaijamang was barely eight, leaving behind a poor family to fend for themselves. His aunty and uncle took them in after his father died. His mother would work on the traditional loom weaving tribal shawls to make ends meet, while his grandmother would chip in by baking changman - the famous sticky rice bread - and selling it at the local market. Khaijamang, the third youngest among six siblings, was their constant companion and errand boy. Quiet, obedient and extremely helpful by nature, he would never refuse to run an errand for them. Though he was still too young to help on the loom or in baking, he would always be nearby to help in whatever little way he could. On most days when his mother and grandmother were preoccupied with work, he would busy himself in carrying water or cooking lunch and dinner for the family.
This innocent boy’s precious life was brutally snatched away from him on the fateful day of September 1, 2015. Killed by a single shot from the back by a bullet fired by the Manipur Police in Lamka, who were supposedly trying to control the tribals protesting against the passage of the three Bills by the Manipur Assembly the previous day.
“It breaks my heart to think of my little boy lying in the morgue, lifeless and never coming home again. The only consolation, if there is any at all, is that he is not alone – the others who had been murdered are with him even in death, and I respect the people’s wish to keep him there until the issue is resolved”, said his mother, Nemneilhing, between sobs, still unable to come to terms with her loss.
Born on March 7, 2004, Khaijamang couldn’t continue with his schooling for quite sometime after his father died. At the time of his death, he was reading in Class – III at the Tuibuong Govt. School. His eldest brother, Thongminlen Touthang (19), presently studies in Class – XII (Arts) at Savio School, Imphal, while his youngest sibling, Vahkimchan is a bubbly girl of barely four years. His elder sister is married while his two brothers, Thanggoulal (13) and Luntinsei (7) are looked after by the Bethel Children Home and both are schooled at the nearby Blue Star Academy.
His closest friend, Seiminlen, is yet to fully understand the implication of Khaijamang’s death. But it is apparent that he misses him, and is trying to make sense of it all. “He is my best friend. We always hang out together, day or night, and we never disagree. He would always stand up for me. I really miss him...” he trails off.
As the bullet ripped through his young body that fateful noon, he slumped to the ground and never got up again. An eyewitness recounted what he saw: "Everything happened so fast. It was all helter skelter as people ran for cover from the firing. But I would never forget what I saw - the boy holding his exit wound with one hand and raising the other in the air. And the next moment, he simply fell."
No one really knew how he ended up at the police station where the standoff took place between the security forces and the protesters. His mother recalled how his curious boy loved to watch public gatherings. Perhaps, this curiosity led him to check out the commotion, only to become one of the eight victims of the police forces’ brutality.
Another eyewitness who rushed the boy to the District Hospital, described the last minutes of the boy's battle for his life: "I was watching from a distance when they started pelting stones and throwing molotov coctail at the police station. Suddenly the gate opened and the firing followed. There were around three or four people right in front of the gate. Two of them immediately fell. Everyone ran for cover. Then I saw the boy. I don't know where he came from but he was running towards New Lamka when he too got hit from the back and fell. I rushed to pick him up and took him to the hospital with the help of some people living nearby. He was bleeding profusely and began to scream in pain. I stood by as the doctors attended to him. While he was given blood transfusion and fitted with oxygen mask, I asked him about his parents, his school and assured him that he was gonna be fine. But I was wrong. He soon drifted away...."
As he lay dying amid the chaos, just moments before he was rushed to the hospital, he feebly whispered ‘I am thirsty’. The last coherent words he’d spoken before he was silenced forever.
ZMW
Source: United Tribals of Manipur | https://goo.gl/nvH0ti

MANIPUR ON THE BRINK

Just three days since I wrote “The fractious demand for ILP in Manipur” about the possible impact of constitutional changes imminent in the State, violence has erupted in the tribal districts after the Manipur Legislative Assembly passed three bills — Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill, 2015, the Manipur Land Revenue & land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015 and the Manipur Shop & Establishment (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015.
When the special session of the Manipur State Assembly, which began on August 28, announced that it would pass the bills on August 31, three major tribal bodies of the State — the Kuki Students’ Organization, the All Naga Students’ Association Manipur and the All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur — had called a 12-hour total bandh in all hill districts.
The Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill was introduced by Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh. The Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms and the Manipur Shop & Establishment Bills were moved by Revenue Minister Thoudam Debendra and Labour Minister Irengbam Hemochandra respectively. All three belong to the dominant Meitei community.
The Land Reforms Bill is perceived by many among the tribal Kuki and Naga communities as attempts by the Meitei community to gain access to scheduled hill districts. They argue that outsiders are never a real threat since they can neither own land in the valley areas, nor are they competitors for government jobs.
Under Section 158 of the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reform Act 1960, land belonging to a Scheduled Tribe in the valley areas cannot be sold to a non-Scheduled Tribe person without the prior consent of the Deputy Commissioner concerned.
Further Clause 2(b) of the Protection of Manipur People Bill, which defines “Manipur People” as “Persons of Manipur whose names are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951, Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur” has justified apprehensions among the tribal groups.
If the bill is enacted into law, a person needs to have been enumerated in all three registers — the National Register of Citizens, 1951, the Census Report 1951 and the Village Directory of 1951 — to be considered as belonging to the State. Conversely, being registered in just one or two registers/directories means he or she has not met the criteria. Hence if the bill becomes a law and is implemented strictly, many people in the hill areas face the prospect of being excluded. In 1951, many of the remote hill areas were cut off, without proper communication and transportation systems —still the case for some far flung areas
Since Manipur attained Statehood status only in 1972, there is a possibility that many of the local people may be listed as outsiders because of their inability to provide the required documents. If such a situation arises, who should be blamed — the people or the government?
There is also an apprehension that the definition of “Manipur People” could be used in other Acts/Bills to deny services, facilities and amenities to the people of Manipur, especially the tribal people, in seeking government jobs, admission to schools, colleges or in case of State quota in medical and engineering admissions.
Despite the tension and violence, I still believe that one possible amicable solution for the government is to implement the Sixth Schedule in the hill areas. Under such a political arrangement, the Kukis and Nagas would enjoy autonomy in their respective areas but remain within the State of Manipur.
The extreme scenario could be that the Indian government intervenes to redraw the Manipur State boundary to allow the Kukis, Nagas and Meiteis to govern themselves under separate administrations.
Whatever the long-term solution, the immediate need is to restore peace and normalcy in the State at the earliest possible, more importantly to prevent the further loss of lives which can aggravate the already tense situation.

( Dr. Nehginpao Kipgen is a U.S.-based political scientist and author of Politics of Ethnic Conflict in Manipur)
Given the stringent criteria in the new bill, it is possible that many local people may be listed as outsiders because of their inability to provide the required documents

Speech delivered by Pu PS Haokip, President KNO on an emergency Meeting with KNO, ZRO, HPC (D) & Frontal Organisation

Speech delivered by Pu PS Haokip, President KNO on an emergency Meeting with KNO, ZRO, HPC (D) & Frontal Organisation such as Zomi Council, Kuki Inpi Churachandpur, Hmar Inpui, Mizo People Council, Simte Tribe Union, Gangte Tribe Union, Hmar Youth Association, Kuki Khanglai Lompi, Zomi Youth Association, Young Mizo Association, KSO Churachandpur, Hmar Student Association, YMA, CoPTAM, KSDC etc. on 1st September, 2015 at Simte Youth Organisation Hall, Simveng Churachandpur.
My beloved people
I give you my highest respect! I also give my great respect to our respected young martyrs Gollhang H. Paulianmang of Dorcas Veng, Gollhang Pausuanlian, of Vengnuam, Gollhang Thangzalian of Hiangtam Lamka, Gollhang Nehlalsoun Belam Veng and Gollhang Enkhenkhup, of Gouchinkhup Veng. I extend my deepest condolences to the bereaved families. I am sure their sacrifices will never go in vain, for we the people will not allow them to have died in vain. I also give my great respect to the many wounded defenders of our land and all the brave volunteers who had expressed their intolerance of any compromise on our rights to our land.
Sopiteho, today, let us reason together. Let us ask ourselves what we need to do to salvage our right as a people and our rights over our land. Do we still squabble and find our petty reasons to be disunited? Or do we come together forgiving each other of past mistakes and join hands to fight for our rights to our own land and government to be recognized. You the people, I am elated to note, have shown the way.
You have made great political statements. You have affirmed our oneness as a people, sharing common threats and common future.
Our lands were never a part of Manipur Kingdom. The Maharaja of Manipur had ceded his 700 odd square miles of territory to the Indian state. The British had placed our lands under a separate administrative arrangement recognizing our rights and our needs as a people. Even Independent India had made provisions for protection of our land and people. But these have been proved inadequate.
We have been targeted with neglect and discrimination.All funds meant for our development have either been diverted or misappropriatedby the Meitei majority and their clones. For all these years, we have suffered injustice and now it has become intolerable. Not satisfied with depriving us of our developmental rights, they are now planning to snatch our land by calling us foreigners.
They arbitrarily have passed a bill which will uproot those of us whose villages were not in their records since 1951. I am telling them today, and I want us to tell them that we dont need them to record that we lived in our lands much before their government intruded onto our lands.
This government and their militants are but hand in glove. In their grand design to grab our land, they violated our territories, raped our women, used our helpless as forced labour, planted landmines in our land, and set up terror camps within our territories. They use tear gas rubber bullets to disperse protesters in the valley, but real bullets and grenades when we protest. They targeted our vehicles during their hartals while letting valley vehicles pass.
Brothers, it is time we realize that we can no longer be under one roof with this monster majority community. We need our own government over our land and people. United, we can achieve it.
It is time we pool all our resources together. The representativeswe sent to their Assembly must resign forthwith. If it is proven they betrayed our land, we will not allow them to be public life anymore. It is time to unite under one identity, have one army and strive for our right. I urge my fellow comrades in arm in the UPF and KNO that we must sit down and unite, and I urge the people to rise up in demanding for a separate stateZogam or Zalengam..as per your wishes.
God Bless our UnityGod Bless Zale’n-gam/Zogam!!
PS Haokip

WHY THE ILPS IS SO SCARY FOR THE TRIBALS?

Sim'a hetcheh din apha e

WHY THE ILPS IS SO SCARY FOR THE TRIBALS?
Ostensibly the Inner Line Permit System is to control the influx of outsiders into Manip. ur. But see the fine print and read between the lines. The Bills introduced in the Manipur Assembly in response to the demand of the Joint Committee on Inner Line Permit System (JCILPS) makes it becomes crystal clear. ILPS is apparently about outsiders but the hidden agenda is that it is against the native tribal populace of the State. Why? Outsiders are never really a threat, because they cannot own land anyways in the valley area, and never competitors in the government job market. The tribal people can own land in the valley area and are therefore a threat and a nuisance to the valley people. Moreover, the valley people want to grab the land of the tribals in the hill areas.
Let us see the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015. Clause 2 (b) of the Bill defines “Manipur People” as “Persons of Manipur whose names are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951, Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur”. This definition of Manipur People has so many implications. In the first place, to be considered as Manipur people, you or your forefathers will have to be registered in three registers, (i) National Register of Citizens, 1951; (ii) Census Report 1951 and (iii) Village Directory of 1951. Notice the use of the word “and”. This means that even if you or your forefathers had been registered in any one or any two of the above-mentioned registers/directory, you will not be considered as Manipur person. You have to fulfil all three criteria. Do you even know whether yours or your father’s or grandfather’s names have been included in these Registers/Directory. Many people will be left out because at that time the government machinery would not have reached every nook and corner of the State, especially the hill areas as they are cut off from the valley areas and most of the villages are non-motor able at that time.
Why 1951? Why not 1971 or 1981? Manipur got its statehood in 1972. If this definition is applied then most of the people who are natives of Manipur at the time of its Statehood will not even be considered Manipur People. Also, if the intended target is outsiders, when did the influx of outsiders in huge numbers start? Maybe in the 1980s or 1990s? Why then the cutoff year of 1951?
The Bill is also silent about the procedure to be adopted for determination of Manipur People. It defines Manipur People but is silent about the procedure to determine whether one is a Manipur People or not. It is not clear on whom the onus/burden of proving whether a person is a native of Manipur or not lies? Whether the onus of proof lies with the person or the Government? This is not clear. In the absence of clarity, it is fearful that the onus will lie on the person. And how can a person proof that he is a native of Manipur? Even if my grandfather’s name is there, how can i proof that i am his grandson? All these issues are not clear? The names included in the Registers/Directory mentioned in the definition are not in the public domain and you don’t even know whether you or your father’s or grandfather’s is there in these Registers. You may consider yourself a native of Manipur, having been born and brought up in Manipur and your forefathers have settled in the State even before the State was born, but if your father/grandfather’s name is not registered, you will soon become an outsider, a non-native in your own state.

The Bill creates a new Statutory Body, Directorate of Registration of Non-Manipur Persons and Tenants. But there is no provision for appeal against the decisions of the Director or the Directorate. So, if you are aggrieved with the decision of the Director or other employees, there is nobody to which you can appeal. Rather, Clause 10 provides that no suit, prosecution or other legal proceedings shall lie against any officer of the State Government for anything done in “good faith” under this Act. Here, the word “good faith” is very vague. How can you prove or disprove good faith? Many details have been left out of the bill and more than what is written, what is not written in the Bill may come to haunt us later.
That the definition of “Manipur People” in this particular Bill will be used in other Acts/Bills to deny services, facilities and amenities to the people of Manipur is clear from the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015. Nowhere in the Amendment is Bill of 2015 or in the original Act 1960, the definition of “Manipur People” or “Non-Manipur People” is to be found but the term “Non-Manipur People” is used in the Amendment Bill. It is assumed that the terms “Manipur People” or “Non-Manipur People” are used as defined in the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015. The terms should have been defined in the MLR&LR Amendment Bill but is not done so. Similarly, in future laws, these definitions in the Protection of Manipur People Bill, 2015 will be used to deny services, amenities and facilities to the people of Manipur, especially tribal people. It cannot be ruled out that the next time advertisement for jobs are out, it will say that the jobs are applicable to Manipur people as defined in the Protection of Manipur People Act, 2015. In this eventually, you will be denied a state government job if you cannot prove that you are a Manipur People as defined under the Act. Same can be done in the case of admission to schools, colleges or in case of state quota in medical and engineering seats, etc. This will not be problematic for the valley people because this will be applied selectively and whenever it suits the agenda of the valley people. It will be applied on the tribal people to deny them basic facilities, services and amenities as a Manipur citizen.
The introductory part of the Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015, which is akin to the “Statement of Objects and Reasons” (SOR) of the Bill speaks about the geographical area of the valley vis-a-vis the hill areas, the difference in population and population density in the valley and hill areas and the pressure on land in the valley areas. If the ILPS agitation is all about the influx of outsiders, the SOR of this Bill which is introduced in the Manipur Assembly pursuant to the agitation for ILPS never once mentioned the influx of outsiders.
Clause 2 of the MLR&LR Amendment Bill inserts new Sections 14A and 14B which provide that allotment of land to non-Manipur persons, firms, institutions or other similar entities will be made only after obtaining approval of the State Cabinet. In other words, if you cannot prove that you are a Manipur Person, you can own land in the valley area only with the approval of the Cabinet, which will never be granted if you are an outsider or a tribal. All efforts will be made to prevent you from owning land in the valley even though you may be a native, Manipur tribal from the hill areas of the State.
Interestingly, the original Manipur Land Revenue and Land Reforms Act, 1960 provides in its “Extent Clause” in Section 1(2) of the Act that it shall extend to the whole of the State of Manipur except the hill areas thereof. However, a proviso was added that the State Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette extend the whole or any part of any section of this Act to any of the hill areas of Manipur also as may be specified in such notification. Similarly, in the “Definition.

Similarly, in the “Definition Clause” in Section 2(j) of the Act, it defines “hill areas”as such areas in the hill tracts of the State of Manipur as the State Government may, by notification in the official Gazette, declare to be hill areas”. The implication of these two provisions is that the State Government, by simply issuing a Gazette Notification can include or exclude a specific area or village as hill area. In other words, the State Government can extend the provisions of MLR&LR Act to any place by simply issuing a Gazette Notification. And this is what happens in reality. MLR& LR Act is now applied in what we consider as hill areas like Churachandpur/Lamka town and many adjoining places. The pucca patta or “Jamabandi”which is issued to you when you purchase a land in Lamka town is proof of this. If you see the top right corner, you will see “MLR Form 8 (Rule 57)”written there which means you have acquired land under the MLR&LR Act and that this land is considered to be in the valley area.
Another possible implication of this definition of hill area is indeed very alarming. The tribal people have been clamouring for protection of our land rights and seeking autonomous status like Sixth Schedule or Alternative Arrangement for the protection of our rights like land and customs. Apparently, the Central Government is willing to give Sixth Schedule to the hill/tribal areas but Manipur Government’s stand is that it has to be done “with certain local adjustments”. What i believe and fear is that the State Government would oppose tooth and nail the extension of Sixth Schedule in the hill areas of Manipur and in the event that it is unsuccessful in blocking the same, it will take the stand that the Sixth Schedule should not be extended to the areas where MLR&LR Act is in operation. The State Government or the valley people will argue that these are not hill areas as MLR& MLR Act is in operation in these areas and since MLR&LR Act is applicable only in valley area, these are valley areas. What argument do we have then? The full implication of these laws will then feel like a slap in the face, but maybe it will be too late by then!
Now is the time, will you just keep silent and look the other way. The silence is so deafening! Call me paranoid or alarmist but I just can’t wish these issues away!

Hotline in Manipur tribes conditions

With the tenor changing from negotiation to dialogue, there is renewed hope that all the stakeholders in the Naga peace process will be involved in finding a solution
In the weeks following the signing of the August 3 Naga Framework Agreement, the has focused on the belief that the process has now reached the stage of a dialogue from the earlier stage of negotiations. This is reflected in the statements of both R.N. Ravi, the government’s peace interlocutor, and National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) [NSCN(IM)] general secretary Thuingaleng Muivah.

The Naga internal consultative process has tried to be inclusive of civil society bodies, academia, student bodies, social organisations and armed groups since the 1950s. The three Naga Peoples’ Conventions (NPCs) from 1957 to 1959 resulted in the formation of the State of Nagaland, established in 1963. However, this process, inclusive as it may have been, failed to garner the support of A.Z. Phizo, leader of the Naga National Council (NNC), who by 1960 had shifted base to London. From London, Phizo wrote that nothing short of independence was acceptable to the Nagas based on their history and tradition. Phizo’s persistent writings from London fuelled dissent against the 16-point agreement that established Nagaland.

The latest agreement was signed with NSCN (I-M), and other Naga armed groups such as NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) and NSCN (Reformation) have either resisted or welcomed the agreement. NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) pointed out on August 22 at Dimapur that while they welcomed any initiative that recognises Naga history, ethnicity and culture, they do not rejoice at the framework agreement, as it was limited to just the NSCN (I-M).

Getting all actors on board

NSCN (Reformation) led by Wangtin Naga and P. Tikhak have applauded the peace initiative but have highlighted the importance of an inclusive base. Members of the Naga Hoho and others have volunteered to meet NSCN (Khaplang) in Myanmar to bring them into the consultative process.

On August 25, at a People’s Consultative Meeting on the accord, Mr. Muivah spoke about the criticality of getting the other Naga armed actors on board. While explaining the idea of a pan-Naga Hoho (a proposed statutory body as part of the framework agreement) that will enjoy independent executive and budgetary powers to look after the welfare of Naga inhabited areas outside Nagaland, Mr. Muivah again called for mutual understanding and dialogue among the Nagas. Niketu Iralu, a respected peace activist, present at the meeting, highlighted the significance of consultation to bring on board those who remained sceptical.

This consultative aspect leads me to delve deeper into the changing language, from one of negotiation to one that stresses dialogue. While negotiation aims at finding a concrete agreement, dialogue aims at a changed relationship. Naga peace negotiations have been stalled for decades due to the rigid postures of the main parties — like the government’s position that India’s territorial integrity and sovereignty are non-negotiable and the NSCN (I-M)’s insistence that any resolution has to be outside the framework of the Indian Constitution and must include integration of all Naga inhabited areas.

According to Hal Sanders, from the International Institute for Sustained Dialogue and the Kettering Foundation, “Dialogue is a process of genuine interaction through which human beings listen to each other deeply enough to be changed by what they learn. Each makes a serious effort to take others’ concern into her or his own picture, even when disagreement persists. No participant gives up her or his identity, but each recognises enough of the other’s valid human claims that he or she will act differently toward the other.” There are certain key components of a successful dialogue, namely, inclusiveness; joint ownership; listening, learning, and adapting; empathy and humanity; notions of ‘self’ and the ‘other’; understanding of context; transparency; and a vision for the future.

Dialogue aims to bridge

Wishing for her first hostel Night

The first morning I woke up alone away from my home sweet bed is the frst day I trust on myself for building my future which is the frst step that I took to b what I m in tomorrow. I woke up then I find things are diff as even to adapt with new washroom n food items n lifestyle. Then Realised that time had flw so fast, now I am on my own track to shape my days to come, as I m lil bit scared of it but its becoz mum n dad had overcome the same b4 I ws born so m I.
I meditated thinking about should I follow my past that gve me no change or make new plan to run fr life of colourful fruit?
As a small degrees diff at the source of light ray can make huge diff in the end, Let me adapt just for today if I can be someone tomorow. Things have changed, and I can't b the same coz time flows like water and the water can take me anywhere if I don't try swing my arms. I knw many obstacle will be there on my track to stop me as I m new, but I am not alone even tho I may be new coz I always have some1 besides who watch me 24/7 for God is always ready to give me his hand when I cry out for help coz he love me and I m not going to forsake him. I will fall into deep pit with many thorns that pierced me and I might be lifted so hight by the wave with nathing to hold, but still I will keep on holding my faith for I knw this Earth is not my permanent home. So then only my frst small plan at my first bright morning on my new lilltle cute bed will lead me to first success of my life. It can take long and it can take short, I might/might not still hve Mum/Dad to joy with, but the fruit is not only fr me.
We all are the cost of this Success and I will not remember to forget every1 who help me even my enemy.
This world is not for my treasury home.
God bless me.

My Angel Mummy

"My Angel Mother"

Every human on this earth has someone to call  mother.  Mother is not just the one who gave you birth but who is everything for you. From the very beginning of your life as a  liquid state in her womb till today she is willing to die for you.She will always keep something aside for you because her love  for you is nothing bigger on this earth. She always care for her womb while eating, walking, and sleeping. She would just ignore something of good but bad for the lil baby inside her. She is even willing to sacrifice her life hoping that she will give birth to a new life who can give her peace of mind and wipe off her tear at the day of sorrow but not a tears setter. She never lose her hope that someday she will have someone to rely on at the day of her old.

Mom you are my Earthly God who cared for me so much. Despite of your heavy day works you always wakeup in the middle of the night for I cry of thirst. You never want me to stay dry throat. Without full sleep you wakeup early dawn and work whole day under scorching sunlight struggling so hard to feed the family and earning for all the fees to pay at school, society. You traveled miles and miles for the sake of my needs....
I knw you would be jealous of seeing people with luxury life. But Remembering all those give me strength and boost me from my downlife. For someday I could drive you home, take you home and make you happy.

I still remember the very frst scripture that you taught me under dimming Lantern and holding Bible with pale face looking exhausted. You knw I always find hard to memories it at that time but now this is

"Ephesians 6:1- Children,  obey your parents in the Lord, for this is right"

Despite of everything that who you are to me, sometime I set you tears out of my stupidity. But those are mistake and I apologize for all those. But now with all of the ups and downs of my life I never have time to forget you coz you always love me more than i do. You are my only visible god on earth.

With all of my happiness and sorrow I always call out your name. Everytime of my prayer I asked God to give you longer life so that l will have time to feed you like you do while I was babyboy.

I can't wait to hug you with all of my arms. And say Happy Mother's Day.