Our Martyr#1 KHAIJAMANG TOUTHANG, 11 YEARS

"As he was running away from the commotion, both hands raised in total surrender, a bullet pierced through his young body from the back and his left hand slid down to hold his exit wound, his right hand still raising in the air to show that he never posed any threat"
by ZMW
For an eleven year old boy, he had gone through more hardships in life than most grown men. His father, Mr. Haokhothang Touthang, died when Khaijamang was barely eight, leaving behind a poor family to fend for themselves. His aunty and uncle took them in after his father died. His mother would work on the traditional loom weaving tribal shawls to make ends meet, while his grandmother would chip in by baking changman - the famous sticky rice bread - and selling it at the local market. Khaijamang, the third youngest among six siblings, was their constant companion and errand boy. Quiet, obedient and extremely helpful by nature, he would never refuse to run an errand for them. Though he was still too young to help on the loom or in baking, he would always be nearby to help in whatever little way he could. On most days when his mother and grandmother were preoccupied with work, he would busy himself in carrying water or cooking lunch and dinner for the family.
This innocent boy’s precious life was brutally snatched away from him on the fateful day of September 1, 2015. Killed by a single shot from the back by a bullet fired by the Manipur Police in Lamka, who were supposedly trying to control the tribals protesting against the passage of the three Bills by the Manipur Assembly the previous day.
“It breaks my heart to think of my little boy lying in the morgue, lifeless and never coming home again. The only consolation, if there is any at all, is that he is not alone – the others who had been murdered are with him even in death, and I respect the people’s wish to keep him there until the issue is resolved”, said his mother, Nemneilhing, between sobs, still unable to come to terms with her loss.
Born on March 7, 2004, Khaijamang couldn’t continue with his schooling for quite sometime after his father died. At the time of his death, he was reading in Class – III at the Tuibuong Govt. School. His eldest brother, Thongminlen Touthang (19), presently studies in Class – XII (Arts) at Savio School, Imphal, while his youngest sibling, Vahkimchan is a bubbly girl of barely four years. His elder sister is married while his two brothers, Thanggoulal (13) and Luntinsei (7) are looked after by the Bethel Children Home and both are schooled at the nearby Blue Star Academy.
His closest friend, Seiminlen, is yet to fully understand the implication of Khaijamang’s death. But it is apparent that he misses him, and is trying to make sense of it all. “He is my best friend. We always hang out together, day or night, and we never disagree. He would always stand up for me. I really miss him...” he trails off.
As the bullet ripped through his young body that fateful noon, he slumped to the ground and never got up again. An eyewitness recounted what he saw: "Everything happened so fast. It was all helter skelter as people ran for cover from the firing. But I would never forget what I saw - the boy holding his exit wound with one hand and raising the other in the air. And the next moment, he simply fell."
No one really knew how he ended up at the police station where the standoff took place between the security forces and the protesters. His mother recalled how his curious boy loved to watch public gatherings. Perhaps, this curiosity led him to check out the commotion, only to become one of the eight victims of the police forces’ brutality.
Another eyewitness who rushed the boy to the District Hospital, described the last minutes of the boy's battle for his life: "I was watching from a distance when they started pelting stones and throwing molotov coctail at the police station. Suddenly the gate opened and the firing followed. There were around three or four people right in front of the gate. Two of them immediately fell. Everyone ran for cover. Then I saw the boy. I don't know where he came from but he was running towards New Lamka when he too got hit from the back and fell. I rushed to pick him up and took him to the hospital with the help of some people living nearby. He was bleeding profusely and began to scream in pain. I stood by as the doctors attended to him. While he was given blood transfusion and fitted with oxygen mask, I asked him about his parents, his school and assured him that he was gonna be fine. But I was wrong. He soon drifted away...."
As he lay dying amid the chaos, just moments before he was rushed to the hospital, he feebly whispered ‘I am thirsty’. The last coherent words he’d spoken before he was silenced forever.
ZMW
Source: United Tribals of Manipur | https://goo.gl/nvH0ti

MANIPUR ON THE BRINK

Just three days since I wrote “The fractious demand for ILP in Manipur” about the possible impact of constitutional changes imminent in the State, violence has erupted in the tribal districts after the Manipur Legislative Assembly passed three bills — Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill, 2015, the Manipur Land Revenue & land Reforms (Seventh Amendment) Bill, 2015 and the Manipur Shop & Establishment (Second Amendment) Bill, 2015.
When the special session of the Manipur State Assembly, which began on August 28, announced that it would pass the bills on August 31, three major tribal bodies of the State — the Kuki Students’ Organization, the All Naga Students’ Association Manipur and the All Tribal Students’ Union Manipur — had called a 12-hour total bandh in all hill districts.
The Protection of Manipur Peoples Bill was introduced by Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh. The Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reforms and the Manipur Shop & Establishment Bills were moved by Revenue Minister Thoudam Debendra and Labour Minister Irengbam Hemochandra respectively. All three belong to the dominant Meitei community.
The Land Reforms Bill is perceived by many among the tribal Kuki and Naga communities as attempts by the Meitei community to gain access to scheduled hill districts. They argue that outsiders are never a real threat since they can neither own land in the valley areas, nor are they competitors for government jobs.
Under Section 158 of the Manipur Land Revenue & Land Reform Act 1960, land belonging to a Scheduled Tribe in the valley areas cannot be sold to a non-Scheduled Tribe person without the prior consent of the Deputy Commissioner concerned.
Further Clause 2(b) of the Protection of Manipur People Bill, which defines “Manipur People” as “Persons of Manipur whose names are in the National Register of Citizens, 1951, Census Report 1951 and Village Directory of 1951 and their descendants who have contributed collective social, cultural and economic life of Manipur” has justified apprehensions among the tribal groups.
If the bill is enacted into law, a person needs to have been enumerated in all three registers — the National Register of Citizens, 1951, the Census Report 1951 and the Village Directory of 1951 — to be considered as belonging to the State. Conversely, being registered in just one or two registers/directories means he or she has not met the criteria. Hence if the bill becomes a law and is implemented strictly, many people in the hill areas face the prospect of being excluded. In 1951, many of the remote hill areas were cut off, without proper communication and transportation systems —still the case for some far flung areas
Since Manipur attained Statehood status only in 1972, there is a possibility that many of the local people may be listed as outsiders because of their inability to provide the required documents. If such a situation arises, who should be blamed — the people or the government?
There is also an apprehension that the definition of “Manipur People” could be used in other Acts/Bills to deny services, facilities and amenities to the people of Manipur, especially the tribal people, in seeking government jobs, admission to schools, colleges or in case of State quota in medical and engineering admissions.
Despite the tension and violence, I still believe that one possible amicable solution for the government is to implement the Sixth Schedule in the hill areas. Under such a political arrangement, the Kukis and Nagas would enjoy autonomy in their respective areas but remain within the State of Manipur.
The extreme scenario could be that the Indian government intervenes to redraw the Manipur State boundary to allow the Kukis, Nagas and Meiteis to govern themselves under separate administrations.
Whatever the long-term solution, the immediate need is to restore peace and normalcy in the State at the earliest possible, more importantly to prevent the further loss of lives which can aggravate the already tense situation.

( Dr. Nehginpao Kipgen is a U.S.-based political scientist and author of Politics of Ethnic Conflict in Manipur)
Given the stringent criteria in the new bill, it is possible that many local people may be listed as outsiders because of their inability to provide the required documents

Speech delivered by Pu PS Haokip, President KNO on an emergency Meeting with KNO, ZRO, HPC (D) & Frontal Organisation

Speech delivered by Pu PS Haokip, President KNO on an emergency Meeting with KNO, ZRO, HPC (D) & Frontal Organisation such as Zomi Council, Kuki Inpi Churachandpur, Hmar Inpui, Mizo People Council, Simte Tribe Union, Gangte Tribe Union, Hmar Youth Association, Kuki Khanglai Lompi, Zomi Youth Association, Young Mizo Association, KSO Churachandpur, Hmar Student Association, YMA, CoPTAM, KSDC etc. on 1st September, 2015 at Simte Youth Organisation Hall, Simveng Churachandpur.
My beloved people
I give you my highest respect! I also give my great respect to our respected young martyrs Gollhang H. Paulianmang of Dorcas Veng, Gollhang Pausuanlian, of Vengnuam, Gollhang Thangzalian of Hiangtam Lamka, Gollhang Nehlalsoun Belam Veng and Gollhang Enkhenkhup, of Gouchinkhup Veng. I extend my deepest condolences to the bereaved families. I am sure their sacrifices will never go in vain, for we the people will not allow them to have died in vain. I also give my great respect to the many wounded defenders of our land and all the brave volunteers who had expressed their intolerance of any compromise on our rights to our land.
Sopiteho, today, let us reason together. Let us ask ourselves what we need to do to salvage our right as a people and our rights over our land. Do we still squabble and find our petty reasons to be disunited? Or do we come together forgiving each other of past mistakes and join hands to fight for our rights to our own land and government to be recognized. You the people, I am elated to note, have shown the way.
You have made great political statements. You have affirmed our oneness as a people, sharing common threats and common future.
Our lands were never a part of Manipur Kingdom. The Maharaja of Manipur had ceded his 700 odd square miles of territory to the Indian state. The British had placed our lands under a separate administrative arrangement recognizing our rights and our needs as a people. Even Independent India had made provisions for protection of our land and people. But these have been proved inadequate.
We have been targeted with neglect and discrimination.All funds meant for our development have either been diverted or misappropriatedby the Meitei majority and their clones. For all these years, we have suffered injustice and now it has become intolerable. Not satisfied with depriving us of our developmental rights, they are now planning to snatch our land by calling us foreigners.
They arbitrarily have passed a bill which will uproot those of us whose villages were not in their records since 1951. I am telling them today, and I want us to tell them that we dont need them to record that we lived in our lands much before their government intruded onto our lands.
This government and their militants are but hand in glove. In their grand design to grab our land, they violated our territories, raped our women, used our helpless as forced labour, planted landmines in our land, and set up terror camps within our territories. They use tear gas rubber bullets to disperse protesters in the valley, but real bullets and grenades when we protest. They targeted our vehicles during their hartals while letting valley vehicles pass.
Brothers, it is time we realize that we can no longer be under one roof with this monster majority community. We need our own government over our land and people. United, we can achieve it.
It is time we pool all our resources together. The representativeswe sent to their Assembly must resign forthwith. If it is proven they betrayed our land, we will not allow them to be public life anymore. It is time to unite under one identity, have one army and strive for our right. I urge my fellow comrades in arm in the UPF and KNO that we must sit down and unite, and I urge the people to rise up in demanding for a separate stateZogam or Zalengam..as per your wishes.
God Bless our UnityGod Bless Zale’n-gam/Zogam!!
PS Haokip